PS:EUROPE Political and Social Research Institute of Europe
Rise of right wing parties and politicians has been a longlived process which has begun in 1990s and continued till today. After 2014 European Parliament elections, extremist parties especially far-right parties can better and faster increase their popularity than few months ago, since they gained seats in European Parliament via legitimate means. Moreover, these parties will have a stronger saying on European Union politics. This situation will provide them a popular platform in which they can show their policy preferences and their ideologies more broadly to whole Union members. So, all we can say is that extremist parties have gained very significant political posts in the European Union politics and it is very blatant that all these parties will use their already-existed power to increase extremism and their votes.
In this article, I will focus on the Jobbik Party which has been established in 2002. Hungary has 21 seats in the European Parliament and Jobbik has gained 3 of them. Jobbik has become the second party in Hungary after ruling Fidesz Party. In comparison to 2009 European Parliament election in Hungary, Jobbik has remained same in terms of number of seats but it was the third party in 2009 elections whereas now it has become the second. It passed MSZP which is the Socialist party of Hungary. It may not be meaningful when we only focus on these numbers, but when we take a look at the inner politics of Hungary, it gains a meaning that is Jobbik step by step strengthens itself and it shows that the main rival of ruling conservative party Fidesz is not MSZP anymore but the Jobbik.
In this article, I will try to reveal reasons of Jobbik’s rise in Hungarian politics. Secondly, I will take a look at the Jobbik’s policies and political discourses against European Union. First of all, it should be mentioned that, as in other European countries, the ideological stance of Hungarian people shifted from left to right in a long process which took place in the aftermath of Soviet Union’s collapse. But, moreover, it should be mentioned that Jobbik’s rise since 2003 came with some internal, conjunctural political events. It may be said that the collapse of communism prepared the ideological shift towards nationalist, conservative policies but this is the ideological background of the nationalist and conservative policies. We should take more elements into consideration when we try to analyze the reasons of Jobbik’s rise. These elements are 2008 global economic crisis and its effects on the Hungarian economy and people, anti-establishment feelings of people, the frustration from corruption and politicians who made corruptions, anti-gypsy feelings, resentment and irritation against EU, simple slogans and political solution proposals of far-right parties to the complicated problems of people and the influence of media coverage in Hungary.
In relation to it, what Jobbik proposed is to find a solution to all problems of the Hungarian people. Besides, the Jobbik party gained more votes from people who aged below 30. They used internet and social media platforms better than the other political parties even better than the Fidesz. Lastly, in foreign policy areas, what Jobbik propose is to revise the Trianon Treaty which was signed right after World War I ended according to which Hungarian lands were allocated and only a part of Austria-Hungarian empire remained in the hands of Hungarian nation. This was a big frustration with which Jobbik used populist discourses to attract people to the idea that unites all Hungarian minorities who live in neighbour countries such as Slovakia, Romania and etc.
All these issues and Jobbik policies and discourses will be analyzed in this article in order to be able to reach a comprehensive and meaningful frame which reveals the reasons of far-right’s rise in Hungary. Although there are quite differences between Jobbik and its counterparts in other parts of the Europe, this study aims to respond the why far-right parties gained momentum in European politics as well by analyzing the Hungarian case. In that sense, this article is politically, economically, socially and culturally is very relevant to understand the Europe’s political frame in this day and age.
The Establishment of Jobbik
Jobbik or “The Movement for a Better Hungary” was established in 2003 by David Kovacs and Gabor Vona. Actually, Jobbik had already been founded in 2002 as a student association “Right Wing Youth Community”[i]. It should be emphasized that Jobbik was founded in the Eotvos Lorand University in Budapest[ii]. I say this because most of the people who study Jobbik presuppose that Jobbik is not able to get vote from graduates but the reality is vice versa. It can be seen from their origin that they firstly was established in a campus by young people among which there were university students who were full of despair about the political, economic and social situation in Hungary then. I will give details about the voter profile of Jobbik later on.
Gabor Vona was 28 years old when he founded the Jobbik. This is another indicator of the Jobbik’s policy preferences in inner politics of Hungary. Jobbik party has always claimed that they are not elites but they are young people who can find a solution to problems of people since till today these problems were neglected by the corrupted political elites who held power since the socialist period. They have always accused socialists because of the Hungary’s communist heritage and the corrupted transition period right after the collapse of communism. According to Jobbik members, Hungary has not experienced the revolution in 1989 because political elites continued to keep their political and social power. In that sense, they argued that old networks still continued to dominate Hungarian politics[iii]. Basic Declaration of Jobbik says they refuse anything which comes from pre-1989 era as well.[iv] For example, one of the terms which was used by Jobbik in the campaign of 2010 elections in Hungary was “criminal politicians”[v] with which they accused the political elites of Hungary for the worse situation in economy and politics which people of Hungary have to bear. Members of Jobbik even proposed a new penal code which includes political crimes for these elites[vi].
One of the main arguments of my article is that Jobbik party used the method of scapegoating to claim Hungarian people’s social and economic problems result from the actions of internal and external enemies. Gypsies, communist heritage and political elites[vii] of Hungary are internal enemies whereas the owners of multi-national companies which invest in Hungary and international institutions such as EU and NATO are external enemies which caused the political, social and economic crisis of Hungary. So, political elites form the one pillar of scapegoat policy of Jobbik in order to direct the attention people. Moreover, as all we know, most of the people who have economic and social difficulties can be trapped by simple explanations. In this situation Jobbik members try to attract the people to their parties by means of addressing guilties of Hungary’s social and economic problems. Jobbik believed that political elites become rich and used the resources of Hungary for themselves at the expense of Hungarian people[viii].
Secondly another scapegoat of Jobbik is the multinational companies which function in Hungary. They were highly critical of foreign capital in Hungary and propose the nationalization of some privatized areas because 50% of the Hungary gross-domestic product comes from these companies[ix] and pose a threat to the national economy of Hungary. As a result, we can say that Jobbik party is against neo-liberal policies and the political and economic globalization. They believe and argue for a strong, interventionist state in the economic field[x]. They favoured statism and indicated that statism is not socialism but it is very essential to convert Hungarian economy into a nationalist and independent economy. In that sense, they gave reference to Putin’s economy model which intervene the economy constantly.[xi]
Thirdly, another scapegoat of Jobbik’s is Roma population of Hungary. For all social and economic problems that Hungary faced with, Jobbik blamed the Roma population. They were uneducated, unemployed but still they get social benefits from the state according to Jobbik members. Moreover, not only Jobbik members but some of the Hungarian people started to think that Roma population increase the crime rate among the society. Roma population is already forming the %8 of the whole Hungary[xii] and it is estimated that it will reach to 15% of the whole Hungary[xiii]. Roma population have higher birth rates in Hungary and Jobbik and other nationalist groups fear from that fact.
Here, it should be given some information about the election results of 2006 in Hungary Parliamentary election, 2009 European Parliamentary election, 2010 Hungary Parliamentary election and 2014 both Hungary and European Parliamentary election results. In 2006 elections, Jobbik could get only %2.2 of the votes failed to attain any seats[xiv]. But we see that in 2009 European Parliamentary election, Jobbik got %14.77 and in 2010 Hungary Parliamentary election it increased its votes to %16.67 from %2.2. This result made them the third largest party in Hungary. Morever, in 2014 Hungary Parliamentary election, Jobbik got %20.54 of the votes[xv] whereas in 2014 European Parliamentary elections, they got the %14.67[xvi] and remained the same number of deputies in European Parliament like in 2009 elections.
It can be easily seen that Jobbik party has become successful in a very short period of time and become the third largest party in Hungarian Parliament in 2010 and second largest party which runs for European Parliament in Hungary in 2014. How come is it possible for a party to increase its votes from %2.2 to %16.67 in four years? What are the real factors that contribute to it? There should have happened something between 2006 and 2010 which caused the Jobbik increase its votes.
There erupted two important events in this era which is pertaining to Jobbik’s electoral success. The first one is that MSZP’s Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsany’s tape. Right after MSZP got the %43.26 of the votes in 2006 Parliamentary elections, Gyurcsany said how socialists lied to the people about the economic situation of Hungary and also he added that he did nothing to worth mentioning in the last four years[xvii]. After that, the people of Hungary poured into the streets and protested against MSZP and Gyurcsany. As a matter of fact this situation affected the voters’ choices and most of the votes which went to the MSZP probably went this time to the Jobbik in 2009 and 2010. MSZP’s votes decreased from %43 to %19.3 in four years[xviii].
Secondly and most importantly, Jobbik used the problems of Roma population very well in order to increase its popularity and votes. As I mentioned earlier, Romans are forming the %8 of Hungary population but they are predicted to be the %15 of the total population in 2050. It should be reminded that there occurred 2008 global financial crisis in this era and its effects were felt heavily in the Central and Eastern Europe as well as the other parts of the world. Global financial crisis affected mostly the middle-class of society and employment rate failed to rise, together with that, economic uncertainty affected people mostly and they looked for a new solution to all their problems. Besides, people who were affected from the global economic crisis blamed Roma population. The growth rate was slower in the eastern part of Hungary. So, the search for a new solution was mostly demanded by the people who inhabited this area. In that sense, Jobbik mostly found its vote storage in eastern Hungary.
Furthermore, Hungarian people more and more chose not to send their children to the schools which have Roman children. Roma unemployment rate reached to %70[xix]. In relation to it, %60 of the Hungarian population thinks that Roma have crime in their blood[xx] and %42 of them says ok to the measures like denying Roman population to enter discos or restaurants[xxi]. All these events blatantly show that some part of the Hungarian people saw Roma population as guilty for their social and economic problems. In addition to it, people started to think their problems were ignored by the socialist governments. Actually they were promised to better life standards right after the collapse of Soviet Union but this did not happen in this way. So, in the long run, political elites of Hungary neglected the social and economic problems of people. Therefore, Hungarians searched for a new party which does not have any networks with these political elites. Jobbik, in that sense, emerged under these circumstances and tried to capture the votes and preferences of this badly affected people. Jobbik did not find it hard because both the global financial crisis and Gyurcsany’s tape made it easier to affect these people. In the eyes of many, Jobbik has become the credible party[xxii].
Plus, in 2006 right after leak of the Gyurcsany’s tape, a young Hungarian biology teacher struck a Roman girl with his car in one of the Roman districts in northeast of Hungary. Then, a Roman beat and killed him[xxiii]. This created a big reaction in the Hungary with the influence of media coverage. Right after that, Jobbik party made its number one campaign in successive election process and they argued for ending the “gypsy crime”[xxiv]. Jobbik party said that gyspy crime can be tackled with only education and employment policy according to which most of the gypsies live outside the law, employment and education and police stations should be strengthened in the roman districts and they should be motivated for working instead of social welfare benefits[xxv]. Moreover, Jobbik founded a group which was named as Magyar Garda in the summer of 2007. Gabor Vona said that “The Hungarian Guard has been set up in order to carry out the real change of regime and to rescue Hungarians”[xxvi]. Magyar Garda consisted of 3000 men who were wearing uniformly black boots with black pants and it served as secondary police force in the districts where crime became a harsh problem[xxvii]. Magyar Garda was banned by a Budapest court in 2008[xxviii].
Whatever happened at the end, Jobbik established a kind of paramilitary group which can gain strength under the crisis circumstances. This group resembled to Hungarian gendarmes in the World War II which collaborated with Nazis to exterminate the Jews and Romas. This was Hungarian Arrow Cross Party[xxix]. Although Magyar Garda was banned in 2008, its effects on society perpetuated especially hate speechs escalated[xxx] the tension in Hungary.
Anti-gypsy characteristic of Jobbik party brought about popularity and they used it well to increase their votes in the elections under the harsh economic, social and political circumstances. Moreover, most of the people think about that how come is it possible anti-Roma feelings made top in the society? According to one research, media coverage of the events such as over-dramatization of the events made people more reactive and angry to the Roma population[xxxi]. Roma problem did not emerge in Hungarian society as such in earlier times because it was not a politicized topic in Hungary till this event[xxxii]. Moreover, that all these happened in the electoral process affected people and made convince them to vote for a new, anti-elite party which can find a solution to their social and economic problems. Jobbik used this chance well and the increased their votes in an unprecedented way in Hungarian politics.
Jobbik’s Foreign Policy
So far, we have seen that how Jobbik behaved in domestic politics. Now we can move on its foreign policy proposals and discourses. Nearly all of the far-right parties in Europe took a stance which is against European Union. Jobbik is also one of them. But what Jobbik’s difference is that they favoured a pro-eastern policy apart from their Russian-friendly policy preferences in foreign policy area.
First of all, it should be remembered that members of Jobbik have a problem with the current borders of Hungary and they propose to revise the Trianon Treaty which was signed right after World War I and allocated most of the Hungarian Empire’s lands to Slovakia, Romania, Croatia and Serbia[xxxiii]. In these neighbours, Hungarian minority has protected its existence till today. There are 1.5 million ethnic Hungarians in Romania, 500.000 in Slovakia, and 400.000 in Slovenia[xxxiv]. In that sense, Jobbik Party advocated that Trianon Treaty is an unjust one and should be revised. Moreover, Jobbik accused the political elites, who ruled the country for last 20 years, for their ignorance Hungary’s national interests[xxxv]. In relation to it, Jobbik argued for self-determination rights of Hungarian minority in neighbour countries[xxxvi].
There is a very good evidence that Jobbik supports the self-determination principle in Eastern Europe in their own website. The quotation is from there: “Márton Gyöngyösi had a press conference on Sunday’s Crimean referendum and he pointed out that Jobbik considered the Crimean vote as the triumph of a community’s self-determination. The Hungarian patriotic party says that the referendum was legitimate and valid, even though both the Ukrainian government and Russia exercised some pressure on the voting. The MP stated that numbers spoke for themselves: nearly all local citizens want to belong to Russia. Márton Gyöngyösi pointed out that Russia was helping her own ethnic minority since the Crimean peninsula is predominantly populated by Russians”[xxxvii]. As this quotation from Jobbik’s official webpage shows, Jobbik supports the Russia’s self-determination decision since it designs the same thing on neighbours in which Hungarian minorities lived.
Jobbik party has a high a suspicion about European Union. They favour the loose co-operation namely a confederation which can permit the national independence. Jobbik have some other foreign policy designs such as that they propose to establish good relations with Turkey, Iran, Russia, China and India[xxxviii]. The leader of Jobbik, Gabor Vona, came to Turkey at the end of 2013 and visited three universities and realized conferences. When he came to Turkey Gabor Vona stated that “I did not come here to improve temporal business and diplomatic relations, other people will do so; I came here to meet my brothers and sisters, to offer a brotherly alliance and to bring you the message: Hungarians are awakening! This is our common mission and the universal task of Turanism: to build a bridge between East and West, Muslim and Christian and struggle for a better world. We must show that Christians and Muslims are not enemies but brothers. Perhaps none else than us Hungarians and Turks are able to do that; but we are, because we are connected by our common blood”[xxxix].
As clearly seen from the statement, Jobbik party favours a pro-eastern foreign policy and follows an unfriendly stance towards IMF, EU, World Bank and Western powers for the end of national independence.
Jobbik’s Influence on Fidesz
Fidesz Party is the ruling party of Hungary today. Fidesz got the %44.54 of the votes and they came to the office. However, after the decline of MSZP, Fidesz started to see Jobbik as main rival both because of Jobbik’s coming right after them in the European Parliamentary elections and their dynamic potential to grasp the votes of Fidesz. On the other hand, Fidesz has always been a nationalist, conservative party which defends nationhood, family, conservative values. With the two third majority in the Parliament, Fidesz has felt free to restructure the society and state relations, state. Namely, Viktor Orban, who is the prime minister of government of Hungary, designed a radical transformation in the Hungarian society with the power he got in the elections[xl]. Hungary has problems according to Fidesz, and a solution should be found. The slogan of Fidesz is “Hungarian solution to Hungarian problems”[xli].
As clearly seen, Fidesz has had an undeniably important power since 2010 elections in Hungary and they think that Hungary should undergo a radical transformation in the name of Hungarian solution to problems. It sounds too nationalist. Moreover, like Jobbik, Fidesz has used some slogans such as moral regeneration, national unity in the face of domestic and foreign threats, criminality of the left as Jason Wittenberg puts it[xlii].
In that sense, what is proposed by Jobbik is taken by Fidesz[xliii] and Fidesz used them. This is the dangereous situation for Hungary’s future. The policies and preferences of a far-right party are taken into consideration by ruling party and those policies were legitimized at the governmental level. Viktor Orban said in 2012 “Hungarians will not live as foreigners dictate”[xliv]. Apart from this speech, there are several parallel arguments between Jobbik’s 2010 promises for election and Fidesz’s governmental actions right after 2010 election. Jobbik propose that the tax rate of multinational companies will be increased and Fidesz imposed special taxes in the telecommunication and energy sectors[xlv]. Jobbik stated that Christian roots will be emphasized in new constitution in Fidesz gave reference to Christianisty in Fundamental Law after 2010 election. There are many examples like these. Moreover, Viktor Orban’s Russian friendly foreign policy together with the unfriendly stance to European Union form the another parallel line between Jobbik and Fidesz.
Conclusion
To sum up, Jobbik has gained a significant strength in a very short period of time between 2003 and 2014. Its success depends on the national and international circumstances of this period. MSZP’s sharp fall from power, 2008 global economic crisis prepared the Jobbik’s success. Most of the people in Hungary had already shifted from left to right ideologically as a consequence of collapse of Soviet Union. But this time they saw corrupted political elites do nothing to save people from their problems. At that moment, Jobbik takes part in the scene and convinced people with very simple slogans and discourses. Their anti-gypsy characteristic and pro-order slogans, Magyar Garda convinced people that Jobbik could really do something to decrease so-called Gypsy crime. Moreover, Jobbik favours a pro-eastern foreign policy and forms a nationalist economic policy preference in their party programme. Interventionist state and statism is one of their mottos. Lastly, their anti-elite characteristic brought votes to Jobbik because of anti-establishment feelings of people.
At the end, I can claim that rise of right wing in Europe needs further study which takes national and international, political, social, economical, cultural elements into consideration. Only then, we can reach to a comprehensive frame in which we can evaluate the origins of rising fascism and far-right parties in Europe. In the near future, it seems to be that Jobbik will be more successful than now as a consequence of their rising popularity, different policy preferences, young and dynamic voter profile. I want to finish my article with the Hungarian journalist Laszlo Somorjai’s words, “Everything is possible if I don’t act against evil.”[xlvi]
Alphan Telek
alphantelek@ps-europe.org
[i] Marcus Stadelmann, “The Rise of the Extreme Right-The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik),” National Social Science Journal, vol. 39, no. 2, (2013): 98
[ii] Ibid.
[iii] Andreas Biro Nagy, Tamas Boros and Aron Varga, “Right Wing Extremism in Hungary,” International Policy Analysis of Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, (December 2012): 2
[iv] Andreas Biro Nagy, Tamas Boros and Aron Varga, “Right Wing Extremism in Hungary,” International Policy Analysis of Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, (December 2012): 2
[v] Ibid, p. 4
[vi] Ibid
[vii] Andreas Biro Nagy, Tamas Boros and Zolton Vasali, “More Radical than the Radicals: the Jobbik Party in International Comparison,” in Right Wing Extremism in Europe: Country Analyses, Counter Strategies and Labor Market Oriented Exit Strategies, eds. Ralf Melzer and Sebastian Serafin (Berlin: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2013): 238
[viii] Marcus Stadelmann, “The Rise of the Extreme Right-The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik),” National Social Science Journal, vol. 39, no. 2, (2013): 100
[ix] Andreas Biro Nagy, Tamas Boros and Zolton Vasali, “More Radical than the Radicals: the Jobbik Party in International Comparison,” in Right Wing Extremism in Europe: Country Analyses, Counter Strategies and Labor Market Oriented Exit Strategies, eds. Ralf Melzer and Sebastian Serafin (Berlin: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2013): 233
[x] Andreas Biro Nagy, Tamas Boros and Aron Varga, “Right Wing Extremism in Hungary,” International Policy Analysis of Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, (December 2012): 5
[xi] Marcus Stadelmann, “The Rise of the Extreme Right-The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik),” National Social Science Journal, vol. 39, no. 2, (2013): 100
[xii] Andreas Biro Nagy, Tamas Boros and Zolton Vasali, “More Radical than the Radicals: the Jobbik Party in International Comparison,” in Right Wing Extremism in Europe: Country Analyses, Counter Strategies and Labor Market Oriented Exit Strategies, eds. Ralf Melzer and Sebastian Serafin (Berlin: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2013): 234
[xiii] Marcus Stadelmann, “The Rise of the Extreme Right-The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik),” National Social Science Journal, vol. 39, no. 2, (2013): 100
[xiv] Ibid, p. 99
[xv] Wikipedia, (accessed 3rd of June 2014) available from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hungarian_parliamentary_election,_2014
[xvi] Wikipedia, (accessed 3rd of June 2014) available from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Parliament_election,_2014_(Hungary)
[xvii] Marcus Stadelmann, “The Rise of the Extreme Right-The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik),” National Social Science Journal, vol. 39, no. 2, (2013): 99
[xviii] Andreas Biro Nagy, Tamas Boros and Aron Varga, “Right Wing Extremism in Hungary,” International Policy Analysis of Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, (December 2012): 2
[xix] Marcus Stadelmann, “The Rise of the Extreme Right-The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik),” National Social Science Journal, vol. 39, no. 2, (2013): 101
[xx] Andreas Biro Nagy, Tamas Boros and Zolton Vasali, “More Radical than the Radicals: the Jobbik Party in International Comparison,” in Right Wing Extremism in Europe: Country Analyses, Counter Strategies and Labor Market Oriented Exit Strategies, eds. Ralf Melzer and Sebastian Serafin (Berlin: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2013): 233
[xxi] Ibid
[xxii] Gergely Karacsony and Daniel Rona, “The Secret of Jobbik: Reasons behind the Rise of the Hungarian Radical Right,” Journal of East European and Asian Studies, vol. 2, no.1, (February 2011): 66
[xxiii] Michael J. Jordan, “The Roots of Hate,” World Policy Journal, vol. 27, no. 3 (Fall 2010): 106
[xxiv] Marcus Stadelmann, “The Rise of the Extreme Right-The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik),” National Social Science Journal, vol. 39, no. 2, (2013): 101
[xxv] Andreas Biro Nagy, Tamas Boros and Aron Varga, “Right Wing Extremism in Hungary,” International Policy Analysis of Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, (December 2012): 4
[xxvi] Michael J. Jordan, “The Roots of Hate,” World Policy Journal, vol. 27, no. 3 (Fall 2010): 106
[xxvii] Marcus Stadelmann, “The Rise of the Extreme Right-The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik),” National Social Science Journal, vol. 39, no. 2, (2013): 101
[xxviii] Michael J. Jordan, “The Roots of Hate,” World Policy Journal, vol. 27, no. 3 (Fall 2010): 106
[xxix] Ibid. 104
[xxx] Ibid
[xxxi] Gergely Karacsony and Daniel Rona, “The Secret of Jobbik: Reasons behind the Rise of the Hungarian Radical Right,” Journal of East European and Asian Studies, vol. 2, no.1, (February 2011): 73
[xxxii] Ibid
[xxxiii] Marcus Stadelmann, “The Rise of the Extreme Right-The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik),” National Social Science Journal, vol. 39, no. 2, (2013): 101
[xxxiv] Michael J. Jordan, “The Roots of Hate,” World Policy Journal, vol. 27, no. 3 (Fall 2010): 106
[xxxv] Andreas Biro Nagy, Tamas Boros and Aron Varga, “Right Wing Extremism in Hungary,” International Policy Analysis of Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, (December 2012): 4
[xxxvi] Marcus Stadelmann, “The Rise of the Extreme Right-The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik),” National Social Science Journal, vol. 39, no. 2, (2013): 100
[xxxvii](accessed 4th of June 2014) available from (http://www.jobbik.com/jobbik_crimea_referendum_exemplary tarih yok)
[xxxviii] Andreas Biro Nagy, Tamas Boros and Aron Varga, “Right Wing Extremism in Hungary,” International Policy Analysis of Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, (December 2012): 6
[xxxix] (accessed 4th of June 2014) available from http://www.jobbik.com/g%C3%A1bor_vona_future_eurasia_will_be_based_traditions
[xl] György Schöpflin, “Hungary: The Fidesz Project,” Aspen Review, Cover Story, p. 14
[xli] Ibid
[xlii] Jason Wittenberg, “Back to the Future? Revolution of the Right in Hungary,” Conference Paper, University of California, Berkeley, (December 2013): 4
[xliii] Marcus Stadelmann, “The Rise of the Extreme Right-The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik),” National Social Science Journal, vol. 39, no. 2, (2013): 102
[xliv] Marcus Stadelmann, “The Rise of the Extreme Right-The Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik),” National Social Science Journal, vol. 39, no. 2, (2013): 102
[xlv] Andreas Biro Nagy, Tamas Boros and Zolton Vasali, “More Radical than the Radicals: the Jobbik Party in International Comparison,” in Right Wing Extremism in Europe: Country Analyses, Counter Strategies and Labor Market Oriented Exit Strategies, eds. Ralf Melzer and Sebastian Serafin (Berlin: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2013): 245-46-47
[xlvi] Michael J. Jordan, “The Roots of Hate,” World Policy Journal, vol. 27, no. 3 (Fall 2010): 111
